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AFRO-NETS> Towards a New Theory for Community Development


  • Subject: AFRO-NETS> Towards a New Theory for Community Development
  • From: Golden Munyaka <munyakag@onid.orst.edu>
  • Date: Tue, 10 Jun 2003 17:46:08 -0400 (EDT)




Towards a New Theory for Community Development
----------------------------------------------

May you kindly circulate this draft article. This first draft has no
reference list because I will forward the final draft after getting
some feedback from the readers.


Thank you!
Sincerely,
Golden Munyaka
mailto:munyakag@onid.orst.edu


--
Towards a New Theory for Community Development

By Golden Munyaka

Introduction

Field data shows that the current models of community development are
predominantly ?top-down? in nature and character. This is an attempt
to propose a new grassroots model for community development. It is
essential that any effort in this direction, not only acknowledges
the work of other theorists but, use such work as the foundation for
doing so. Studies by Mararike (1995, 1999) have given me a substan-
tive basis for the justification of new theory. Current participatory
models to community development fail to define the nature of partici-
pation as a process. My new theory seeks to address this particular
dimension in the context of participatory models. To distinguish this
theory from others in this field, I have decided to call it the G
Community Development theory or simply GCD where G denotes grass-
roots. However, there has been an apparent overuse of the term grass-
roots so I prefer to settle for the big G in grassroots to emphasize
my own passion for this new theory. The GCD is build around the his-
tory of rural (and informal sector/urban poor) communities in Zim-
babwe in particular and the Southern African region in general. This
is a tentative idea grounded in real life experiences of disadvan-
taged or marginalized communities in Southern Africa. The theory does
not assume a universal character neither can it be generalized to
settings outside my worldview at this time in my career.

The G Community Development Theory (GCD)

This theory assumes that there is no theory at the moment (at least
from the context of rural communities in Zimbabwe) that leads to the
genuine involvement of all community members in issues of social ad-
vancement and the creation of healthy and sustainable communities.
The GCD theory assumes that the popular participation approach to de-
velopment is a political model used by ?elites? to ?mobilize? various
resources for purposes of achieving ?hidden agendas?. The first fun-
damental principle of the proposed GCD theory is that community mem-
bers are responsible for shaping their own destiny. All members of
the community have the capacity to determine their own lifestyles
based on their worldviews and value systems. The CGD theory asserts
that rural community members know what is good for them more than
anyone else. Similarly, the so-called ?poor? have the greatest advan-
tage to improve their own situation given necessary opportunities to
do so. The ?poor? have their own norms to define acceptable levels of
poverty. Similarly, indigenous communities have the capacity to de-
fine ?development? from their own worldviews. According to the pro-
posed theory there are different norms and indicators of ?develop-
ment? for every community. Thus, the GCD theory refutes the universal
notion of ?development? as we understand it in the academy today.

The first corollary to the GCD theory is: ?stay away from the shark?
and ?avoid acting like the shark in your dreams and in real life?. I
use the imagery of shark to describe the way most politicians (and in
some cases non-governmental organizations) in Zimbabwe end up feeding
on the sweat of poor people. In real life and Zimbabwean politics a
?shark? is usually referred to as ?Chef? as if to validate the preda-
tory nature of the relationship between the poor villagers and the
politician who is usually an absentee landlord who only surfaces to
grab the ?loot? during one of the numerous ?shark-attack? encounters.
Freire (1972) uses paternalism to describe this type of paradox in
the political arena. Moyo (1992) coins the notion of ?the economy of
affection? or the ?sociology of patronage?­ironically he seems to
have the right words to describe his own role as Minister of Informa-
tion in ?troubled? Zimbabwe today. It is from this dilemma that Mbeki
(2003) regrets the idea of affirmative action and black empowerment
that only benefits a small group of elites who happen to be politi-
cally connected. In Zimbabwe the black elite has become notorious for
acquisition of large estates (including commercial land) on behalf
the ?masses? (Economic Commission for Africa, 2002).

The second corollary to the proposed GDC theory is that the voices of
women should be on the forefront of community projects and programs.
In the case of Zimbabwe, women have always been effective leaders in
protecting social values and the sovereignty of indigenous people.
For instance, a woman named Mbuya (Grandmother) Nehanda initiated the
first liberation war, ?Chimurenga? in Zimbabwe in the mid-1890s ? her
spirit has remained the sole motivator for most freedom fighters up
to this day. In Shona culture, there is an idiom that states that the
foundation of the family or household is the woman (?Imba mukadzi?).
There is sufficient data to support that majority of non-farm income
generating projects in rural communities are run by women (Interna-
tional Labor Office, 1993; Moyo, 1993).

Another key corollary to new theory is that communities are build
from inside out. This guiding principle helps to illuminate community
issues and affairs from the perspectives of indigenous people. His-
tory of initiatives on community programs shows a partial or total
disregard of local wisdom and technologies (Appleton, 1994; Mararike
1995, 1999; Prey, 1994). Freire (1972) explains this phenomenon as
the ?absolutizing of ignorance?. African countries spend a lot of
time and resources mourning about high illiterates rates among rural
community members (Hadebe, 1998; Mpofu, 1997). The GCD theory asserts
that local languages are vehicles of technological and economic em-
powerment. Similarly, indigenous philosophies can be used to inform
development programs. For instance, the ?extended family? concept can
be used to support and sustain family businesses in both urban and
rural settings. From personal experiences, the extended family con-
cept has been used by most intellectuals to drum up the evils of cor-
ruption and abuse of power in high offices of government and corpo-
rate world. Yet in other cultures, such as in Japan, large corpora-
tions have emerged through recruitment of close family members
(Fisher, Schoenfeldt and Shaw, 1999). This may be a smart strategy to
decapitate the ugly head of corruption in formal and informal organi-
zations in Zimbabwe today. Molefi citing Mbigi (2000, p. 2) supports
this argument by asserting that: ?There is no recorded case in his-
tory where a country has developed by imitating other countries.
There is enough historical evidence to show the importance of crea-
tive pioneering in nation building.?

The last corollary to the proposed theory is that ?development? is as
good as the social institutions that go with it. In this theory so-
cial institutions are the formal and informal organizations that sus-
tain the everyday lives of community members. These may be social
(schools, clinics, churches, recreational centers, theatres), politi-
cal (local authorities, local government, courts, and law enforcement
agents), economic (local marketplace, banks, insurance companies,
transport systems to other markets, and communication networks, en-
ergy providers) and psychological (belief and value systems). Every
community has a unique twist and mix to how these institutions are
orchestrated to reflect the norms of social progress at any given
time and geo-political era. According to the GCD theory community
members have the capacity to shape these institutions in ways that
improve their social and human condition.

Strengths of the proposed G Community Development Theory

One of the greatest strength of this theory is that it is grounded in
the data. Regardless of any possible flaws in framing this model it
is a significant beginning in understanding the challenges facing in-
digenous rural communities in Zimbabwe today. ?Grounded theorists
want to understand people?s experiences in as rigorous and detailed a
manner as possible. They want to identify categories and concepts
into substantive and formal theories.? (Ryan and Bernard 2000, p.
782). The other major advantage to this model is that it is tied to
data gathered from a single case (Zimbabwe). Subsequently, the model
as no universal implications other than that it may lead to other
scholars working on similar models in different settings. This model
is solely for purposes of illuminating the development of indigenous
communities in Zimbabwe. Lastly, the proposed theory is parsimonious
and simple. There is room for other scholars to interpret and adopt
it in ways that suit different worldviews. For instance teachers and
educational planners could use this model to initiate educational re-
forms. I will follow up on this aspect later on.

Weaknesses of the proposed G Community Development Theory

Like all theories, this model is an oversimplification of complex so-
cial phenomena. ?Regardless of the kind of reliability and validity
checks, models are simplifications of reality. They can be made more
or less complicated and may capture all or only a portion of the
variance in a given set of data.? (Ryan and Bernard 2000, p. 782).
Any form of theorizing is therefore a highly subjective process. The
personal biases of theorist always end up influencing the nuances of
the actual model. In this study I present my biases as autobiographi-
cal representations from the Shona culture. The proposed model needs
to be tested in the field in order to minimize the personal biases of
the researcher. Technically, data management strategies are yet an-
other major source of bias. For instance, how does one work through
mountains of data and end up proposing a theoretical model? In this
study I had to resort to theoretical sampling. ?We use theoretical
sampling to develop our emerging categories and to make them more de-
finitive and useful. Thus the aim of this sampling is to refine
ideas, not to increase the original sample.? (Charmaz 2000, p. 519).
In my opinion, development of theory is basically reductionistic. One
uses volumes and volumes of data to come up with a single representa-
tion in the name of a theoretical model. The process is fraught with
errors and biases. This model was not spared from such biases.


Special Request:
Critique this proposed model and forward your comments to:
Golden Munyaka
mailto:munyakag@onid.orst.edu
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